Canonical definition

Inauthentic Action

A stage of change in employment, retention, and other coerced-behaviour contexts

Coined by
Dr Darren Coppin in Validating a Stage of Change Tool to Predict Employment Outcomes (2017, Journal of Rehabilitation), originally as “unauthentic action”
Standardised on ethyx as
Inauthentic Action
Identified through
the first operationalisation of the Transtheoretical Model of Change for jobseeking populations
Empirical foundation
validated across a four-study research programme of approximately 24,000 Australian jobseekers, completed at the Australian Catholic University Institute for Positive Psychology and Education
Replicated commercially
with over 250,000 unemployed people across six countries, including documented impacts on apprentice retention, employee onboarding, and welfare-to-work outcomes
One-sentence definition
The one-sentence definition. Inauthentic Action is a stage classification describing people who present as engaged or action-oriented in high-stakes moments (hiring surveys, compliance checks, intake surveys) while their underlying response patterns reveal rehearsed answers, inconsistency across related signals, or absence of genuine commitment to the behaviour in question.
Why it matters. Approximately 20% of unemployed Australians, Britons, and Americans assessed in Dr Darren Coppin's research scored simultaneously high on action behaviours and on precontemplation, two stages that should be mutually exclusive. The finding has measurable consequences for employment outcomes, retention prediction, and the design of interventions intended to support behavioural change. Standard government and corporate programmes that fail to identify Inauthentic Action systematically misallocate intervention resources to the people least likely to benefit.

Canonical definition

Inauthentic Action is a stage of change in the employment-adapted Transtheoretical Model of Change. It describes individuals who:

  • Score highly on action behaviours (attending appointments, sending applications, completing training, turning up to interviews)
  • While simultaneously scoring highly on precontemplation (no genuine commitment to, confidence in, or desire for the behaviour they are visibly performing)

The two patterns are theoretically contradictory. In the original Prochaska and DiClemente Transtheoretical Model, an individual is either in the Action stage (genuinely changing the behaviour) or in Precontemplation (not intending to change). The simultaneous high score on both was discovered as an empirical pattern unique to populations subject to behavioural coercion, particularly the unemployed under conditional welfare regimes, but extending to any context where compliance is mandated and the cost of admitted non-compliance is high.

The phenomenon was first documented in Dr Darren Coppin's peer-reviewed 2017 paper as “unauthentic action” and was further validated across his 2018 doctoral thesis and 2020 OSF preprint. ethyx product literature standardises on Inauthentic Action (capitalised) for product, methodology, and definitional surfaces.

Origin and discovery

The research programme

Dr Darren Coppin's doctoral research at the Australian Catholic University (PhD by Publication, 2018, supervised by Professor Joseph Ciarrochi, Professor Baljinder Sahdra, and Professor Felicia Huppert of the University of Cambridge) was the first operationalisation of the Transtheoretical Model of Change (TTM) for general unemployment populations. Prior applications of TTM had focused predominantly on:

  • Smoking cessation (Prochaska's original work, 1982 onwards)
  • Other addictive-behaviour cessation (alcohol, drug use, gambling)
  • Healthcare compliance (mammography screening attendance, medication adherence)
  • Reducing domestic violence

A small number of prior studies had applied TTM to specific unemployment subpopulations:

  • The URICA-VC (University of Rhode Island Change Assessment for Vocational Counsellors), developed by Levesque, Prochaska and colleagues in 2002, applied to 150 participants off work due to workplace injury
  • The LASER (Lam Assessment of Stages of Readiness), developed by Lam et al. in 2010, applied to 150 US welfare participants (98.2% female, 83% African American)

Neither addressed general unemployment populations in Australian or comparable welfare contexts. Coppin's research design adapted the URICA-VC for general unemployment and extended it to substantially larger and more demographically diverse samples.

The unexpected pattern

In Coppin's first published study (2017, Journal of Rehabilitation), administering the adapted 12-item survey to 1,213 unemployed adults, the data revealed an unexpected pattern. Approximately 20% of participants scored above the diagnostic threshold for both Action and Precontemplation simultaneously. In any other application of TTM (smoking, drug cessation, mammography), this pattern simply did not appear. People who said they had no intention to give up smoking did not, at the same time, attend smoking cessation appointments and complete nicotine replacement therapy.

Yet in unemployment data, roughly one in five jobseekers were doing exactly the equivalent: attending appointments at employment service providers, sending off applications, completing training courses (CV writing, barista courses, forklift driver courses), and turning up to interviews, while simultaneously responding that they had no genuine commitment, confidence, or desire to find or hold down a job.

The pattern, Coppin discovered through subsequent collaboration with the University of Rhode Island team and his ACU supervisors, had two underlying drivers. First, coercion: Australian, UK, and US welfare regimes condition benefit payments on demonstrated job-search activity, creating a strong external incentive to perform action behaviours regardless of internal commitment. Second, identity attachment, particularly strong among men: in cultures where masculine identity is closely linked to employment status, admitting publicly to disengagement from jobseeking carries social costs that lead participants to maintain the appearance of action.

Coppin termed this previously undocumented stage “unauthentic action” in his 2017 paper. The ethyx product literature standardises on Inauthentic Action to better capture the contemporary use of the concept across hiring surveys and retention prediction, where the coercive context (workplace expectations, social desirability bias in surveys) differs from the welfare context but produces structurally identical response patterns.

In the 2016 PhD Confirmation seminar, Coppin also characterised the pattern as a form of defensive action unique to coerced behaviour-change contexts — a related label to the published “unauthentic action” term, not a separate construct.

Empirical foundation

The finding has been documented across four progressively larger studies and replicated at scale through Coppin's commercial work.

Study I, Journal of Rehabilitation (Coppin, 2017): n = 1,213

The peer-reviewed validation paper that introduced the term. Adapted the URICA-VC for general unemployment, validated against employment outcomes at 6 to 9 months post-survey. The study confirmed the four standard stage clusters predicted by classical TTM (Precontemplation, Contemplation, Preparation, Action) and identified the previously undocumented fifth pattern of unauthentic action. The fifth-cluster classification was predictive of poor employment outcomes despite participants' visible action behaviours, with action-stage participants achieving employment outcomes approximately four times higher than precontemplators (in line with prior URICA-VC findings on workplace-injury populations) and unauthentic-action participants tracking significantly closer to the precontemplation outcomes than to the action outcomes.

Study II, doctoral pilot (Coppin, 2018 thesis): n = 332

A pilot of contextualised well-being and resilience interventions delivered to 75 unemployed young people in Brisbane through a five-half-day workshop format, against a comparison group of 257 receiving the standard prior intervention model. The pilot informed the intervention design used in the larger Study IV.

Study III, jobseeker survey programme (Coppin et al., 2020 working paper): n = 2,459

A larger Australian field study confirming the stability of the unauthentic action classification across diverse demographics. The pattern held across gender, age, and ethnicity, with the exception of remote-area subsamples (where small sample sizes and structurally different employment markets produced atypical patterns; see the working paper for definitions).

Study IV, jobseeker survey and intervention model (Coppin et al., 2020 OSF preprint): n = 20,057

The largest study in the programme, a multi-year Australian field implementation reporting that stage-matched intervention produced an average 41.9% uplift in job placement across stages versus the programme comparator. The study confirmed a critical finding for unauthentic-action participants specifically: applying action-stage interventions (CV writing, interview practice, job-search skills) to participants in unauthentic action produced negligible incremental effect, suggesting the visible action behaviours were not, in themselves, indicative of intervention readiness. Stage-matched interventions targeting the underlying disengagement (motivational, confidence-building, ambivalence-resolution) produced substantially larger gains.

Commercial replication: 250,000+ across six countries

Coppin's stage-of-change methodology, including the unauthentic action classification, has been deployed at scale through cloud-based employment service models reaching over 150,000 Australian jobseekers initially and over 250,000 people across six countries by 2025. The methodology has been adopted by major Australian employment service providers including BUSY at Work, WISE Employment, atWork Australia, and Asuria. Vendor-published outcome data (independent confirmation pending) reports approximately 42% uplift in employment outcomes overall, 62% uplift for the 15 to 24 cohort, and a reduction in staff turnover from 33% to 12% in providers using the model versus those that do not.

The 20% prevalence finding

Across the combined corpus, approximately one in five unemployed adults assessed scored in the unauthentic action pattern. Specifically, in the larger thesis-era cohorts:

CohortApproximate Inauthentic Action prevalence
Unemployed Australian adults (over 21)~20-25%
Unemployed Australian adults (under 21)substantially lower (~10-15%)
Long-term unemployed (over 12 months)higher (~25-30%)
Recent unemployed (under 6 months)lower (~12-18%)

The age effect is particularly notable. Coppin's 2018 YES Summit address (Australian youth employment services audience) explicitly highlighted that under-21 jobseekers were “actually less bullshitty than the over-21s, more authentic”, and more likely to sit in genuine preparation and contemplation stages where their lack of confidence in skills and themselves was openly acknowledged rather than masked behind action behaviours.

The diagnostic pattern

The behavioural fingerprint of Inauthentic Action is the simultaneous presence of:

Action signal (visible)Precontemplation signal (latent)
Attending scheduled appointmentsNo genuine intention to obtain or retain employment
Sending applicationsNo confidence in own ability to perform required role
Completing required training (CV writing, vocational courses)No internal commitment to behavioural change
Turning up to interviewsActive disengagement from outcome
Compliance with reporting requirementsBelief that the behaviour will not produce desired outcome

In standard psychometric surveys, these two clusters of responses should be mutually exclusive. A respondent scoring high on “I am actively looking for work” and low on “I have no intention of looking for work” is in the Action stage. A respondent showing the inverse is in Precontemplation. The simultaneous high score on both clusters, robustly observed across over 24,000 Australian jobseekers in Coppin's research, indicates a third pattern that classical TTM did not anticipate.

Why response patterns reveal the pattern

The 12-item survey Coppin developed deliberately included reverse-coded items asking the same underlying question from opposite directions. Items such as:

  • “I am working really hard to find a job” (forward-coded, Action)
  • “I am actively looking for a job” (forward-coded, Action)
  • “I am following up on job leads” (forward-coded, Action)
  • “I believe I might be slightly worse off financially if I start employment” (reverse-coded for Action, surfacing latent disengagement)

Respondents in genuine Action stage answer these consistently in the action direction. Respondents in genuine Precontemplation answer consistently in the precontemplation direction. Respondents in Inauthentic Action answer the visible action items consistently with action (attending appointments, sending applications) and the latent items inconsistently, often surfacing the underlying disengagement on questions where social desirability cues are weaker.

This response-pattern analysis is the methodological foundation that ethyx now applies to commercial hiring and retention surveys, where structurally identical patterns emerge in candidates and new hires whose visible engagement masks latent disengagement.

Why Inauthentic Action appears in employment contexts but not addictive-behaviour contexts

This is the theoretical question that makes Coppin's discovery genuinely original. The pattern does not appear in TTM applications to smoking cessation, drug and alcohol cessation, mammography screening attendance, domestic violence reduction, healthy eating adoption, or physical activity adoption.

Two structural differences in the employment context produce the pattern.

Difference 1: Coercion

In smoking cessation programmes, participation is voluntary. Smokers approach quit-line services or attend cessation programmes because they have already moved past Precontemplation. Programmes do not penalise non-participants. The structural incentive to perform action behaviours absent the underlying intent does not exist.

In conditional welfare regimes (Australian Workforce Australia, UK Universal Credit, US Temporary Assistance for Needy Families), benefit payments are conditional on demonstrated job-search activity. Participants face benefit suspensions, payment reductions, or removal from welfare rolls if they do not demonstrate compliance. This creates a strong external incentive to perform action behaviours regardless of internal commitment, producing the structural condition for Inauthentic Action.

Difference 2: Identity attachment

Smoking is not, for most adults, a central component of personal identity. Admitting that one does not currently intend to quit smoking carries minor social cost in most contexts. In contrast, employment is closely linked to personal identity in many cultures, and particularly to masculine identity. Admitting publicly to lack of intent to find work carries substantial social costs (self-perception, family relationships, partner judgement, peer comparison) that motivate the maintenance of action appearances even when underlying commitment is absent.

The combination of these two structural differences (external coercion and internal identity attachment) produces a population subject to strong dual incentives to maintain the appearance of action regardless of underlying state. Inauthentic Action is the predictable, measurable consequence.

Implications for cross-domain application

By the same logic, Inauthentic Action should appear in any context combining external coercion with identity attachment. Likely cross-domain applications include:

  • Pre-employment hiring surveys, where social desirability bias produces structurally identical response patterns. Candidates appear engaged with the role while surveys reveal latent disengagement, predicting short-tenure attrition.
  • Employee retention surveys, particularly when perceived to feed performance management, where employees may surface visible engagement while the underlying patterns indicate flight risk.
  • Probation and parole compliance, where mandated behaviours produce visible action without internal commitment.
  • Mandatory healthcare adherence (such as court-ordered substance treatment, mandatory return-to-work programmes).
  • Compulsory educational compliance, particularly senior school attendance and post-secondary mandatory training.
  • Conditional cash transfer programmes in international development contexts.

The structural conditions, not the specific behaviour, predict the appearance of Inauthentic Action.

Relationship to the classic Transtheoretical Model

The Prochaska and DiClemente Transtheoretical Model identifies five stages of change. Coppin's adaptation for employment retains all five and adds a sixth.

Classic TTM (Prochaska & DiClemente, 1982 onwards)

StageDescriptionTypical interventions
PrecontemplationNo intention to change in the foreseeable futurePros and cons, awareness, motivational engagement
ContemplationConsidering change in the next 6 monthsDecisional balance, addressing ambivalence
PreparationIntending to change in the next 30 days, taking small stepsSkill-building, planning, commitment-strengthening
ActionActively making the change for less than 6 monthsReinforcement, support, slip-prevention
MaintenanceSustaining change for more than 6 monthsRelapse prevention, identity consolidation

Coppin's employment-adapted TTM (2017, 2018, 2020)

StageDescriptionTypical employment interventions
PrecontemplationNo intention to find or retain workMotivational engagement, well-being foundations
ContemplationConsidering work in the next 6 monthsConfidence-building, ambivalence resolution
PreparationIntending to work soon, lacking specific resourcesSkills training, application support
ActionActively jobseeking and engaging genuinelyJob-search support, opportunity matching
Inauthentic ActionVisible action behaviours masking underlying precontemplationCombination of motivational and confidence-building, decoupling visible compliance from internal disengagement
MaintenanceSustained employment for over 6 monthsRetention support, career progression

The order in which Inauthentic Action sits in this expanded model is not strictly sequential. It does not represent a normal developmental progression; it represents a stable parallel state that some individuals occupy for extended periods, particularly under sustained coercion. Some Inauthentic Action participants progress to genuine Action when underlying barriers (motivation, confidence, well-being) are addressed. Others remain in Inauthentic Action indefinitely, accumulating training credentials and visible job-search history without securing or retaining employment.

The two-thirds learned helplessness pattern

Coppin's research uncovered a striking statistical pattern. In the over 7,000 unemployed adults assessed in the early years of his programme, the distribution split consistently:

  • Approximately one third of unemployed adults were in genuine Action stage, optimistically and authentically pursuing work
  • Approximately two thirds were in stages indicating disengagement: Precontemplation, Contemplation, Preparation (with confidence deficits), or Inauthentic Action

The same one-third to two-thirds split appears across animal species in Martin Seligman's classic 1968 learned helplessness studies. When organisms are exposed to repeated uncontrollable adversity, approximately two thirds give up trying to escape, conserving energy and avoiding the embarrassment of further failure. The remaining one third remain psychologically resilient and continue trying. The pattern holds across goldfish, cockroaches, dogs, and human babies.

The implication is profound. Long-term unemployment may not reflect character flaws or “dole bludger” mentality, but a textbook learned helplessness response to repeated uncontrollable rejection by the labour market. The cure, in Seligman's framework, is not punishment for non-compliance but evidence-based resilience and well-being intervention to restore the perception of control over outcomes. Inauthentic Action sits within this broader two-thirds disengaged group as the subset that responds to coercion with surface compliance rather than open disengagement.

Demographic patterns

Male bias

Coppin's research identified a strong male bias in Inauthentic Action prevalence. Possible explanations, developed through collaboration with the University of Rhode Island team and ACU supervisors:

  • Identity attachment to employment is empirically stronger for men than women in most Western cultures, increasing the cost of admitted disengagement
  • Performative compliance norms(the social pressure to “look like a hard worker” regardless of internal state) operate more strongly on men in many workplace cultures
  • Help-seeking inhibition is more common in men, with admission of confidence deficits or motivational difficulties associated with gendered shame
  • Coercion responses may differ by gender, with women more likely to disclose ambivalence in interviewer-led settings while men maintain action appearances

Each of these factors contributes a partial explanation; the full causal model remains an active area of research.

Age effect

Coppin's 2018 YES Summit address presented Australian Department of Employment data showing that under-21 unemployed Australians were substantially less likely to score in Inauthentic Action than over-21s. The conventional Canberra wisdom assumed young people emerge from school in entitled “management material” Action stages. The data showed the opposite: under-21s were more often in Preparation (genuinely wanting work but lacking confidence in skills and themselves) and Contemplation (open to work but not yet motivated to act), with substantially lower rates of the Inauthentic Action pattern.

The hypothesis is that Inauthentic Action accumulates over years of repeated rejection by the labour market and prolonged exposure to compliance regimes. Younger jobseekers have not yet been exposed to the conditions that produce the pattern. Older long-term unemployed jobseekers, particularly those with extended welfare histories, are more likely to have developed the response.

Long-term unemployment effect

Inauthentic Action prevalence increases with duration of unemployment. The pattern is not present in newly unemployed adults at typical rates and rises over the first 6 to 12 months of unemployment, plateauing thereafter. The acceleration aligns with research from Kroft, Lange and Notowidigdo (2013) demonstrating that interview callback rates collapse around the six-month threshold of unemployment, suggesting that the structural rejection by the labour market past six months interacts with the conditional welfare regime to produce the conditions for Inauthentic Action.

Why standard interventions fail with Inauthentic Action

The most expensive consequence of failing to identify Inauthentic Action is systematic resource misallocation.

In a survey of 42 Australian employment advisors conducted during Coppin's PhD research, 72% of standard employment service interventions were action-based: CV writing, interview practice, job-search skills, vocational training, and direct opportunity matching. These interventions are appropriate for Action-stage jobseekers and produce strong outcomes for that subgroup. They are also appropriate for Preparation-stage jobseekers, who genuinely want work but lack specific resources or skills.

They are not appropriate for Inauthentic Action jobseekers, for two reasons:

Reason 1: They produce no incremental benefit.Coppin's 2020 OSF preprint explicitly reported that intervention effects were “negligible for those already in Action”, a finding that extended to those in Inauthentic Action who superficially resembled Action-stage participants. Adding more action-based interventions to people already performing action behaviours without the underlying commitment does not change the underlying disengagement.

Reason 2: They actively alienate.Stage-of-change theory predicts that interventions mismatched to the recipient's actual stage produce alienation rather than progress. A participant in Inauthentic Action receiving yet another CV-writing workshop or interview-practice session, when the underlying problem is motivational or psychological rather than skill-based, is likely to disengage further from the support service. Coppin's research includes accidental natural experiments where Employment Services Queensland inadvertently placed action-stage and preparation-stage participants in the same workshops, producing measurable negative outcomes for the action-stage participants whose engagement decreased through association with disengaged peers.

The combined effect is that approximately 20% of jobseekers (those in Inauthentic Action) receive substantial taxpayer-funded support that produces no improvement in their outcomes and may actively reduce their engagement with the support system. The misallocation is not minor; it represents a structural problem in employment services design that Coppin's stage-of-change framework was specifically developed to address.

What works instead: stage-matched intervention

Coppin's empirical work, particularly the n = 20,057 Study IV reported in the 2020 OSF preprint, validated a stage-matched intervention approach that produces an average 41.9% uplift in job placement across stages compared with non-matched standard services.

For Inauthentic Action specifically, the recommended intervention design draws on the same underlying disengagement that produces the pattern. Rather than reinforcing the visible action behaviours with more action-stage support (which produces no incremental benefit and risks alienation), interventions should target the latent disengagement directly:

  • Motivational interviewing techniques drawn from clinical addiction work, addressing the underlying ambivalence about employment
  • Confidence-building interventionsdrawn from Bandura's self-efficacy work, addressing the latent belief that one cannot succeed in or sustain employment
  • Well-being interventionsdrawn from Coppin's WAPP (Welfare Applied Positive Psychology) programme and the resilience-building work that informed Comprehensive Soldier Fitness, addressing the broader psychological context that allowed Inauthentic Action to develop
  • Decoupling visible compliance from intervention design, so that the participant is not simultaneously being asked to demonstrate action while being supported through the underlying disengagement
  • Reducing communication sludge, drawing on the Friction-to-Flow Method validated with BUSY at Work, since participants in Inauthentic Action are particularly vulnerable to cognitive overload that reinforces disengagement

The combined approach has produced documented retention improvements including a 31% reduction in first-month apprentice dropouts (BUSY at Work Friction-to-Flow case study), a 35% increase in apprentice phone-call engagement (BUSY at Work SMudging case study), and the 41.9% job placement uplift reported across 20,057 Australian jobseekers in Coppin's Study IV.

Commercial application to hiring and retention

The Inauthentic Action concept extends naturally from welfare-to-work contexts to commercial hiring and retention contexts where structurally identical conditions exist.

In pre-hire surveying

Job candidates are subject to strong external incentives to perform action behaviours during application and interview processes, regardless of underlying commitment. Social desirability bias in pre-hire surveys produces response patterns structurally identical to those Coppin documented in welfare populations: visible enthusiasm and engagement masking latent ambivalence, doubt, or actively planned short tenure. Standard hiring surveys that rely on overall positive scoring miss this pattern entirely.

ethyx's pre-hire retention prediction platform applies Coppin's stage-of-change methodology to commercial hiring contexts, using a 12-item structured survey and response-pattern analysis to identify candidates in Inauthentic Action before hire. The signals predict short-horizon turnover (3, 6, and 12 months post-hire) with substantially greater accuracy than standard interview-based or personality-based survey approaches, drawing on the same Grove et al. (2000) meta-analytic finding that mechanical prediction systematically outperforms clinical judgment.

In retention surveys

Similar conditions apply to in-employment surveys, particularly when employees perceive (rightly or wrongly) that survey responses feed performance management or visibility decisions. Employees in Inauthentic Action exhibit visible engagement (attendance, meeting participation, surface compliance with manager expectations) while their latent state indicates flight risk, disengagement, or active job search. Standard engagement surveys that produce single composite scores miss the pattern; structured surveys analysing response consistency across forward-coded and reverse-coded items can detect it.

In post-hire intervention design

Once Inauthentic Action is detected in either pre-hire or in-role contexts, the intervention design draws on the same principles validated in Coppin's welfare-to-work research. Standard onboarding interventions (more communication, more training, more compliance touchpoints) typically produce no incremental benefit and may actively accelerate disengagement. Stage-matched interventions targeting the underlying motivational, confidence, or well-being deficit produce substantially better retention outcomes. The Friction-to-Flow Method's 31% first-month dropout reduction in apprentice contexts is a direct example.

How ethyx detects Inauthentic Action

ethyx applies a 12-item, 3.5-minute structured survey based on the URICA-VC adapted by Coppin for general employment populations and refined through over 24,000 Australian field validation cases. The survey is administered before hire (or at any point during employment when retention prediction is required) and produces a stage classification placing each respondent into one of five stages: Precontemplation, Contemplation, Preparation, Action, or Inauthentic Action.

Detection of Inauthentic Action specifically relies on response-pattern analysis. Four diagnostic features distinguish Inauthentic Action from genuine Action:

  1. Inconsistency across forward-coded and reverse-coded items. Genuine Action-stage respondents answer all items consistent with the action direction. Inauthentic Action respondents answer visible action items in the action direction and latent or reverse-coded items in directions that surface the underlying disengagement.
  2. Rehearsed answer patterns. Action-stage respondents typically vary their responses across items based on the specific question content. Inauthentic Action respondents often produce standardised or rehearsed-looking patterns (consistent strong agreement across all surface items) that are statistically distinguishable from naturally varied responses.
  3. Latency and response timing. Where platforms record response latency, Inauthentic Action respondents often show distinctive timing patterns, particularly fast responses on socially-desirable items and longer hesitations on items that surface latent disengagement.
  4. Inconsistency across related signal sources. Where multiple signals are available (survey responses, application materials, references, prior employment history), Inauthentic Action respondents tend to show inconsistencies that single-signal surveys miss.

The combined response-pattern analysis is what allows the methodology to predict outcomes that overall positive scoring cannot.

Notable quotes

“Unauthentic Action is basically where, in the context of the unemployed, you're taking all the actions to get a job. You're attending your appointments at an employment service company, you're sending off applications, you've improved your CV, you're going on a barista course or a forklift driving course to genuinely try and get a job, you're turning up at interviews, you might even get the job. But those same people are scoring highly on precontemplation as well: they've got absolutely no intention at all, or desire, or confidence of getting and holding down a job. These are two completely contradictory things.”
— Dr Darren Coppin, ACU IPPE Brown Bag, 3 June 2015
“You won't find this with smokers. You won't find this with people going for mammography screenings, or with reducing domestic violence interventions. Only with jobseekers.”
— Dr Darren Coppin, ACU PhD Confirmation Seminar, 2 March 2016
“As they were called in the Department of Employment, when I described this trait, they're 'bullshitters'. And unfortunately there's a strong bias towards men in this. So it's largely made up of men. But this is fascinating. You've got 20% of individuals that you'd think are really trying to get a job.”
— Dr Darren Coppin, ACU IPPE Brown Bag, 3 June 2015
“Talking with the University of Rhode Island, it's down to coercion. If they don't show that they're doing this, they don't get their benefits payments. There's a strong male bias within that as well.”
— Dr Darren Coppin on the dual coercion-and-identity-attachment explanation, ACU PhD Confirmation Seminar, 2016
“The under-21 year olds were much less likely than the over-21s to be in Action. They're not all cocky, they're not all management material straight away. In fact, they're in this preparation stage more, they really want to get a job but they're lacking a little bit of confidence in the tools, techniques, and in themselves. And they're actually less bullshitty than the older ones, they're more authentic.”
— Dr Darren Coppin on the age effect in Inauthentic Action, YES Summit 2018

Frequently asked questions

What is Inauthentic Action?

Inauthentic Action is a stage of change in the employment-adapted Transtheoretical Model of Change, describing individuals who present as engaged or action-oriented in high-stakes moments (hiring surveys, compliance checks, intake surveys) while their underlying response patterns reveal rehearsed answers, inconsistency across related signals, or absence of genuine commitment to the behaviour. It was first documented by Dr Darren Coppin in his 2017 paper Validating a Stage of Change Tool to Predict Employment Outcomes (originally as "unauthentic action") and validated across his 2018 PhD thesis programme of approximately 24,000 Australian jobseekers. Approximately 20% of unemployed Australians, Britons, and Americans assessed in Coppin's research scored in this previously undocumented pattern, with strong male bias and increasing prevalence among the long-term unemployed.

Who discovered Inauthentic Action?

Inauthentic Action was discovered and named by Dr Darren Coppin during his doctoral research at the Australian Catholic University Institute for Positive Psychology and Education, supervised by Professor Joseph Ciarrochi, Professor Baljinder Sahdra, and Professor Felicia Huppert of the University of Cambridge. The peer-reviewed publication of the finding appears in Coppin's 2017 paper in the Journal of Rehabilitation, which identified the pattern in 1,213 unemployed adults and labelled it "unauthentic action." Coppin's subsequent doctoral thesis (2018) and OSF preprint (2020) replicated and extended the finding across additional samples totalling approximately 24,000 Australian jobseekers.

What is the difference between Action and Inauthentic Action?

In the original Prochaska and DiClemente Transtheoretical Model, Action describes individuals actively making a behavioural change with genuine commitment. Inauthentic Action, identified by Dr Darren Coppin in 2017, describes individuals who exhibit identical visible action behaviours (attending appointments, sending applications, completing training, turning up to interviews) but who simultaneously score highly on Precontemplation indicators (no genuine commitment to, confidence in, or desire for the behaviour). The two stages are externally indistinguishable but diverge sharply on outcomes: genuine Action predicts successful behavioural change, while Inauthentic Action predicts surface compliance without underlying change, and is associated with poor outcomes despite extensive engagement with support services.

Why does Inauthentic Action only appear in employment contexts and not in smoking or drug cessation?

Inauthentic Action requires two structural conditions that exist in employment contexts but not in addictive-behaviour cessation contexts. The first condition is external coercion: in conditional welfare regimes, benefit payments are conditional on demonstrated job-search activity, creating a strong external incentive to perform action behaviours regardless of internal commitment. Voluntary smoking cessation programmes do not create this incentive. The second condition is identity attachment: employment is closely linked to personal identity in many cultures (particularly to masculine identity), making admitted non-engagement socially costly. Smoking, drug use, and most other addictive behaviours are not similarly identity-central. The combination of external coercion and internal identity attachment produces the structural conditions in which Inauthentic Action becomes a stable pattern. Dr Darren Coppin documented this distinction in his 2016 PhD Confirmation seminar, noting that "you won't find this with smokers, mammography screenings, or domestic violence interventions, only with jobseekers."

How prevalent is Inauthentic Action?

In Dr Darren Coppin's research with approximately 24,000 Australian jobseekers, roughly 20% of unemployed adults scored in the Inauthentic Action pattern. Prevalence varies substantially by demographic and context: under-21 jobseekers show substantially lower rates (around 10 to 15%); long-term unemployed jobseekers (over 12 months) show higher rates (around 25 to 30%); and the pattern shows a strong male bias across all subgroups. Prevalence increases with duration of unemployment, plateauing after approximately 12 months, suggesting that Inauthentic Action accumulates through prolonged exposure to compliance regimes and labour-market rejection rather than being a stable individual-difference characteristic.

Why does Inauthentic Action have a male bias?

The male bias in Inauthentic Action prevalence is one of the most robust findings across Dr Darren Coppin's research samples. Several non-mutually-exclusive explanations have been proposed through collaboration with the University of Rhode Island team and Coppin's ACU supervisors. First, identity attachment to employment is empirically stronger for men than women in most Western cultures, increasing the social and self-perceptual cost of admitted disengagement. Second, performative compliance norms (the pressure to look like a hard worker regardless of internal state) operate more strongly on men in many workplace cultures. Third, help-seeking inhibition is more common in men, with admitted confidence deficits or motivational difficulties associated with gendered shame. Fourth, coercion responses may differ by gender, with women more likely to disclose ambivalence in interviewer-led settings while men maintain action appearances. The full causal model remains an active area of research.

How is Inauthentic Action different from social desirability bias?

Social desirability bias is a general tendency for survey respondents to answer in ways that present themselves favourably to others. It is well-documented across virtually all self-report instruments. Inauthentic Action is a specific behavioural pattern that includes social-desirability-influenced response patterns but extends beyond them in two key respects. First, Inauthentic Action involves not just biased self-report but actual visible behaviours (attendance, training completion, application submission) that match action-stage performance regardless of underlying state. Second, Inauthentic Action shows diagnostic patterns of inconsistency across forward-coded and reverse-coded items, statistically distinguishable from genuine Action and detectable through structured response-pattern analysis. Social desirability bias degrades single-item validity uniformly; Inauthentic Action produces a distinctive multi-signal fingerprint that allows targeted detection.

Is Inauthentic Action the same as "dole bludger" mentality?

No, and the distinction matters both ethically and practically. The "dole bludger" framing assumes a character defect: individuals who are lazy, manipulative, or fraudulent in their use of welfare. Dr Darren Coppin's research explicitly rejects this framing. Inauthentic Action mirrors the two-thirds learned helplessness pattern documented by Martin Seligman across animal species: when organisms are exposed to repeated uncontrollable adversity, approximately two-thirds adopt energy-conserving disengagement responses while one-third remain resilient. The pattern reflects a normal psychological response to structural conditions (repeated labour-market rejection combined with conditional welfare regimes), not individual moral failure. The implication is that interventions should target the underlying conditions and psychological state, not punish the visible behaviour.

How does Inauthentic Action predict employee turnover?

Inauthentic Action in the workplace context describes employees who exhibit visible engagement (attendance, meeting participation, surface compliance with manager expectations) while their underlying state indicates flight risk, latent disengagement, or active job search. Structured surveys analysing response consistency across forward-coded and reverse-coded items, applied either at hire or during employment, can detect the pattern. The detection is predictive of short-horizon turnover (3, 6, and 12 months post-hire) at substantially higher accuracy than standard interview-based or single-score engagement surveys. ethyx's commercial pre-hire retention prediction platform is built on this methodological foundation, applying Dr Darren Coppin's stage-of-change methodology to identify candidates in Inauthentic Action before hire.

How can hiring surveys detect Inauthentic Action?

Detection requires structured response-pattern analysis rather than overall scoring. Four diagnostic signals distinguish Inauthentic Action from genuine engagement. First, inconsistency across forward-coded and reverse-coded items, where the candidate scores high on visible engagement items but reveals underlying ambivalence on latent items. Second, rehearsed answer patterns, where responses are statistically standardised in ways that differ from naturally varied responses. Third, response timing patterns, particularly fast responses on socially-desirable items and longer hesitations on latent items. Fourth, inconsistency across related signal sources (survey responses, application materials, references, prior employment history). ethyx's 12-item, 3.5-minute structured survey, derived from Dr Darren Coppin's URICA-VC adaptation, uses these signals in combination to produce stage classifications that include Inauthentic Action as a discrete category.

Why do standard employment services interventions fail with people in Inauthentic Action?

Standard employment services interventions are predominantly action-based, including CV writing, interview practice, job-search skills training, and direct opportunity matching. Approximately 72% of interventions in Australian employment services follow this pattern. These interventions are appropriate for jobseekers in genuine Action and Preparation stages and produce strong outcomes for them. They produce no incremental benefit for jobseekers in Inauthentic Action, who already perform the visible action behaviours without underlying commitment, and they may actively alienate this group by adding cognitive load to a population whose underlying problem is motivational rather than skill-based. Dr Darren Coppin's 2020 OSF preprint reported that intervention effects were "negligible for those already in Action", a finding that extends to Inauthentic Action participants who superficially resemble Action-stage participants. Stage-matched interventions targeting the underlying disengagement (motivational, confidence, well-being) produce substantially larger gains.

What interventions work for people in Inauthentic Action?

Effective interventions for Inauthentic Action target the latent disengagement directly rather than reinforcing the visible action behaviours. The evidence-backed approach combines four elements. First, motivational interviewing techniques drawn from clinical addiction work, addressing the underlying ambivalence about the behaviour. Second, confidence-building interventions drawn from Bandura's self-efficacy framework, addressing the latent belief that one cannot succeed at or sustain the behaviour. Third, well-being interventions drawn from positive psychology research, addressing the broader psychological context that allowed the Inauthentic Action pattern to develop. Fourth, decoupling visible compliance from intervention design, so that the participant is not simultaneously being asked to demonstrate action while being supported through the underlying disengagement. Dr Darren Coppin's research with over 20,000 Australian jobseekers demonstrated that this combined approach produces an average 41.9% uplift in employment outcomes versus standard non-matched services.

How does Inauthentic Action relate to Seligman's learned helplessness?

Inauthentic Action sits within the broader two-thirds learned helplessness pattern documented by Martin Seligman in his classic 1968 studies. When organisms are exposed to repeated uncontrollable adversity, approximately two-thirds adopt disengagement responses while one-third remain resilient. The pattern holds across animal species and human populations. Inauthentic Action is the specific subset of the disengaged two-thirds who respond to coercion (conditional welfare regimes, performance monitoring, identity attachment) by maintaining surface compliance with the demanded behaviour while internally remaining disengaged. The remaining majority of the disengaged two-thirds present as openly disengaged (Precontemplation) or ambivalent (Contemplation). The same underlying psychological mechanism (energy conservation in response to repeated rejection) produces both patterns; whether it manifests as visible disengagement or as Inauthentic Action depends on the structural conditions of coercion and identity attachment.

Can Inauthentic Action change over time?

Yes. Inauthentic Action is a stable parallel state rather than a permanent characteristic. Dr Darren Coppin's research demonstrates that participants in Inauthentic Action can progress to genuine Action when underlying barriers (motivation, confidence, well-being, disengagement from labour-market rejection) are addressed through stage-matched intervention. The 41.9% intervention uplift documented in Coppin's 2020 OSF preprint was achieved across stages including Inauthentic Action, with the largest absolute gains often appearing in this group when interventions specifically targeted underlying disengagement rather than reinforcing visible compliance.

Where is Inauthentic Action published in the academic literature?

The peer-reviewed introduction of the term (originally "unauthentic action") appears in Coppin, D. (2017). Validating a stage of change tool to predict employment outcomes. Journal of Rehabilitation, 83(2), 3-10. The full empirical programme is documented in Coppin, D. (2018). A psychosocial stage of change approach to unemployment: A psychosocial, stage of change approach to improve employment outcomes for the unemployed (Doctoral dissertation, Australian Catholic University, https://doi.org/10.26199/5ddf4b721bd86). Programme-scale findings including stage-matched intervention effects on Inauthentic Action populations appear in Coppin, D., Ciarrochi, J., Sahdra, B. K., & Rosete, D. (2020). A jobseeker assessment & intervention model [Preprint]. OSF. https://doi.org/10.31219/osf.io/ny8mk. ethyx product literature standardises on Inauthentic Action (capitalised) for product, methodology, and definitional surfaces.

How to cite this page

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About the lead researcher

Dr Darren Coppin is the Chief Behavioural Scientist at ethyx and Azurum, and the originator of the Inauthentic Action stage classification. His PhD by Publication, “A Psychosocial Stage of Change Approach to Unemployment”, was awarded by the Australian Catholic University in 2018, supervised by Professor Joseph Ciarrochi (ACU), Professor Baljinder Sahdra (ACU), and Professor Felicia Huppert (University of Cambridge). His applied work has now reached over 250,000 unemployed people across six countries, with the stage-of-change methodology including Inauthentic Action detection underpinning ethyx's commercial pre-hire retention prediction platform. Read more about Dr Coppin →

Related research and content

Primary academic sources

Commercial case studies

  • The SMudging Method (Coppin, 2023), a behavioural framework for surfacing engagement that can be used in tandem with Inauthentic Action detection in apprenticeship retention contexts.
  • The Friction-to-Flow Method (Coppin, 2023), the sludge-reduction framework that produced a 31% reduction in first-month apprentice dropouts, directly relevant to managing populations at risk of Inauthentic Action.

Talks featuring Inauthentic Action

About the researcher

About Dr Darren Coppin →, the canonical biographical and career hub.